Adam C.

Adam est un type bien.
Il m'a fait manger une soupe aux boulettes pas dégueu vendredi.
Accessoirement, il écrit aussi ce genre de choses sur les élections thaïlandaises qui s'annoncent (un junte militaire mais sympa, en somme...). Voici son article, publié cette semaine dans le Bangkok Post.

"Upholding the standards of a free and fair election
The recently exposed 'information dissemination strategy' to prevent the People Power party from victory at the polls exposes the Council for National Security's hypocrisy about claiming to restore democracy

By ADAM COOPER


The emergence last week of documents detailing military plans to prevent the People Power party (PPP) from coming to power have cast strong doubt over whether the forthcoming elections will be free and fair. Having ousted former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, it is not surprising that the Council for National Security (CNS) does not want to see an electoral victory for his nominee's party. Allegations of discrimination have been made for months. However, the existence of a formalised plan both confirms earlier suspicions and indicates the lengths that the military is willing to go to prevent a PPP victory.


This plan, belatedly confirmed by Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont as genuine, have exposed the CNS' hypocrisy about claiming to restore democracy. Most aspects of it violate international norms on the conduct of free and fair elections.


To restore their credibility, the CNS, army and government must not just formally renounce the plan but also take concrete positive steps to ensure a credible election. Specifically, they should lift martial law in areas where it is evidently not needed and repeal the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA).


It is worth examining some of the specific clauses of the work plan addressed to General Sonthi Boonyaratkalin when he was still army chief and head of the CNS, to see the methods by which the CNS hopes to block the PPP from power.


The plan is presented as an ''information dissemination strategy''. This in itself is problematic, since a medium that impartially presents information to voters is a key cornerstone of a free election. Violating this principle may contravene laws and regulations recently issued by the Election Commission.


Underpinning this media strategy to ''expose the flaws of populist policies'', ''point out the similarities between policies of the disbanded Thai Rak Thai party and those of People Power party'' and ''prevent the middle class from leaning toward the opposition'', is the belief that the public cannot be trusted to make up their own minds about who to vote for. If the CNS were truly committed to free and fair elections and the restoration of democracy, they would encourage an open dialogue about the merits of each party's policies and leave it to the public to decide which party would serve their interests best.


Perhaps even more worrisome, there are elements of the work plan that go beyond propaganda and abuse of the media under military control. For example, deterring ''grassroots people from rallying in Bangkok'' clearly infringes upon the right to free movement and expression. Deterring ''civil servants from supporting the opposition'' is only sensible if they are deterred from supporting the CNS or other anti-Thaksin groups in equal measure. The aim of ''circumventing opposition activities'' is worryingly ambiguous and could fall foul of the law, not to mention the constitution and international human rights treaties that Thailand is party to.


The excuses that Gen Sonthi, the CNS and Prime Minister Surayud have given are weak. Gen Sonthi claims that he has not seen copies of the document despite the fact they were addressed to him, and has passed the responsibility of explaining the plan to the army. Gen Surayud has excused the plan by stating that it does not advocate violence _ hardly a barometer for the conduct of a free election _ and has passed the buck to the CNS.


Both the plan and the subsequent evasion of responsibility cast doubt on whether Gen Sonthi and Gen Surayud are capable of administering the upcoming elections fairly. Indeed, their credibility has been so damaged that it has cast a shadow over other election-related activities they are overseeing, such as the state committee tasked with combating vote buying chaired by Gen Sonthi.


The committee's plan, which was approved by Gen Sonthi last week, includes paying informants who provide tip-offs to the authorities on vote buying, and encouraging voters to elect capable individuals to run the country.


While no one doubts that vote buying is rampant in Thailand and that it undermines democracy, the challenge of tackling this endemic problem is best left to the Election Commission and civil society.


The very rationale behind the creation of the EC was that administering elections should not be left to the Ministry of Interior or the Prime Minister's Office as there would be an obvious conflict of interest.


The government can certainly offer their support to initiatives led by the EC and others, but the current set-up may allow for political discrimination to take place under the cover of an ''anti-vote buying'' initiative.


It would be far more productive for Gen Surayud and Gen Sonthi to concentrate on what they themselves can do within their own mandates.


Whatever the excuses made about the need for narcotics control on the borders of Thailand in the North and Northeast, the application of martial law has clearly been politicised.


There is an undeniable correlation between pro-Thaksin provinces _ as defined through previous general election results and those of the constitutional referendum _ and where martial law still stands.


The rush to pass the ISA, despite opposition from the National Legislative Assembly, NGOs and others, is also a sign of the power that the military wishes to have at its disposal ahead of the elections.


Both martial law and the ISA curtail the freedom of movement and expression necessary for a political campaign.


By denying the PPP the opportunity to gain power legitimately, Gen Sonthi may in fact be exacerbating the problems he claims to be addressing. International experience suggests that if you deny a particular candidate or political party the ability to gain power through democratic means, they will increasingly employ other methods to make up for this perceived disadvantage, such as vote buying. Even more disturbing is that such state-sponsored discrimination can be accompanied by an increased risk of violence. The success of this election depends on its results being perceived as credible. If party supporters feel victimised during the campaign or disenfranchised after the election results are announced, they could react very angrily, with unknown consequences.


This is not to absolve the PPP of any responsibility for the actions of their leaders and members. Indeed, many of the activities of the PPP and its leader Samak Sundaravej are questionable.


The earlier, now-quashed desire to appoint Mr Thaksin as a party ''adviser'' despite his being banned from standing as a political candidate for five years certainly violates the spirit, if not the letter, of the law.


Mr Samak should also promptly hand over the leaked CNS documents to the EC to allow them to conduct a full and independent investigation into the plot.


Put another way, this article is written in the spirit of an organisation that strives for free and fair elections across Asia _ it is not for or against any group or political party. Rather, it is for the principle of free elections that underpin democracy, which governments, armies and political parties have a duty to uphold everywhere.


Thailand is at a critical juncture in its democratic development. The country's bitter political divisions will not be healed easily, but a free and fair election without interference by the military is a prerequisite.


The CNS must live up to its pledge to restore democracy _ by renouncing the plan against the PPP, lifting martial law and repealing the ISA. If they fail to do so, Thailand may face as troubled a political future as its recent political past.


Adam Cooper works with the Asian Network for Free Elections (Anfrel)."